Virtual
Relations. Little Kings in Malabar
Margret
Frenz
Analyzing
the concept of rule in late 18th century Malabar, everything
points in the direction that the rulers there acted as little kings.
However, one major element of the model seems to be missing: the great
king with whom the little kings maintained a mutual relationship
to legitimate their rule Malabar did not have such an overlord
since the 9th century. I will argue, that the model of the
little kingdom nevertheless applies to Malabar as the little
kings frequently referred to an imagined great king, whom
I term a virtual great king. The context in which
such a relationship could be established will be investigated in the
paper.
Territory
and Place of a Little Kingdom Ranpur's Pancadolayatra
Niels Gutschow
On
the concluding day of Pancadolayatra (in March) 108 gods (Mahadeva or
Krishna) convene on a large field at the northern end of Badadanda,
the ritual axis of the town to pay homage to Maninagesvari, the tutelary
goddess of the King. The gods are brought from villages within the kingdom's
territory, they represent the totality of revenue villages with the
subjects of the King. The divine gathering after fullmoon in spring
has to be understood as a ritual of renewal: the 108 gods bear witness
of the wellbeing and continuity of the kingdom.
Raja
and the Rebels: Kingship and Tribal Rebellion
in a Princely
State of Orissa
Chandi Prasad
Nanda
The
paper primarily attempts to map the nature of Kingship and traditional
authority in the context of Keonjhar state of Orissa during the 19th
century. It also explores into the Rebel consciousness of the Bhuyan
tribals who sought to oppose the very authority in the shape of a rebellion.
While dealing with these twin aspects, the paper focuses on the elements
of reverence and assertion as reflected in the popular consciousness
vis a vis Kingship.
A
Little Kingdom From Below. The Aghria as Local Gaunti or Village Headmen
Uwe Skoda
The
objective of my paper based on an on-going field research among the
Aghria in Sambalpur-District of Orissa is to introduce the little kingdom
of Bamra from the perspective of village headmen. The Aghria immigrated
- most likely from a north-western direction - into a predominantly
tribal area and became local headmen known as Gauntia forming the lowest
administrative level of the kingdom. Apart from being landlords and
justices of peace their main function was to collect the revenue for
the King. Rights and obligations of Gauntia were fixed in deeds known
as patta, which I would like to present here.
In
addition to this internal administrative structure of Bamra state the
ritual centrality of the headman most visible in his role as
sacrificer for the whole village -, but also his role as agent of religious
changes by building temples etc. will be elaborated. His economic significance
in launching new methods and technologies such as intensive forms of
agriculture, building ponds and developing new styles of architecture
will be amplified too. Besides the role of the Gauntia-System in integrating
castes as well as tribes into a regional culture will be addressed.
A case in point is the way in which Gauntia used apparently tribal symbols
to govern so-called khu Gauntia representing
the authority of the headman in form of wooden posts and landlords reigning
on behalf of them. Finally I would like to elaborate on questions of
change or rather decline of Gauntia after abolition of
the Gauntia-System at the time of Indian Independence.
Little
Kingdoms under Indirect Rule
Peter Sutherland
Analyses
of the Hindu state generally go hand in hand with center-periphery geometries
of power. Despite the admitted variety of tropes employed by historians
and anthropologists to characterize precolonial Hindu polity -- segmentary,
exemplary, theatrical, mandalic, processual, jajmanic, or theophanic,
to name a few -- all are conceptualized in centrist terms of relations
between king and local groups. This is no doubt due to the dominant
concern with sovereignty and administration inscribed in surviving forms
of historical evidence, which was generally the product of royal patronage
-- archives, coins, epigraphy, architecture, religious texts, and monarchical
ritual. But what alternative geometries of interaction characterized
the midfield of power between center and periphery and, beyond that,
the outfield of competition and conflict between royal centers and their
cosmologies of legitimation? How and where should we look for evidence?
While elite sources and orientalist thought may have obscured other
spaces of historical Hindu political life, new approaches reveal unsuspected
evidence. Based on multi-sited ethnography and archival research in
the Simla Hills and neighboring parts of Jaunsar-Bawar and Garhwal,
and using a cartographic approach to analysis, my paper complicates
the category of the little kingdom by locating it in a scale of west
Himalayan divine polities of varying size and rank, each ruled by a
territorial tutelary god or goddess referred to as its king or queen.
Frozen under British indirect rule, the precolonial political life of
the region is reproduced in the travel movements of these royal divinities
at contemporary local festivals called yatra. Paying close attention
to the spacing, timing, and flow of power (Ñakti) defined
by their processions in the festival round of the Bashahr kingdom, largest
of the Simla Hill States, my presentation charts three distinct geometries
of interaction (circumambulation, exchange networks, and central assembly)
and their temporal sequence in the annual calendar. In this calendrical
order, I shall argue, a complex Hindu geopolitics of local, royal, imperial,
and cosmic formations is linked to an equally complex Hindu chronopolitics
of festival cycles with periodicities from one to one hundred years
by means of a military trope used in oracular discourse: the conquest
of the year.
The
sacrificer state and sacrificial community: The relationship between
the little kingdom and the local society in eighteenth century Orissa
Akio Tanabe
In
this paper, I will try to understand the relationship between the little
kingdom and local society in early modern Orissa. It is the time when
the little kingdom increased its penetration and surveillance into local
society. In the process, the local community became dependent upon the
king as the source of legitimation for socio political order. The
mechanism of "sacrifice" connected local community to the
little kingdom. It was also the pivot around which the sense of duty,
patriotism and devotion mutually supported each other to form the unit
of regional identity.
Kingship
and Genealogy in Medieval Western India
Ulrike Teuscher
The
projected study is concerned with the particular medieval state formation
of Western India and its interconnection to certain elements of royal
legitimation of differential access to power. Especially interesting
in this respect is the development of genealogies. Western India here
comprises the group of states and lordships which were later called
the Rajput states from the 10th to the 15th century; the time between
the decline of the powerful early medieval dynasty of the Gurjara-Pratiharas
and the ascend of the Mughals. Two neighbouring areas within this
frame gain special focus, Mewar and Marwar, to the east and west of
the Aravalli mountains (today Southern Rajasthan). For a long time these
were peripheral to greater powers, especially the Caulukyas of Gujarat.
Later they aspired the status of independent great kingdoms, too.
But most of the time their size was modest, comprising of numerous larger
and smaller kingdoms and lordships, partly dependent on each other,
partly not.
Western Indian
polities became organized according to the lineage system which is getting
more and more manifest from the 11th and 12th century onwards. By the
accession of land to kin members and especially younger brothers areas
emerged which were dominated by certain lineages, for instance Marwar
by the Cahamanas and Mewar by the Guhilas. More and more lineage titles
denoting landholdership came into being, which caused a change of meaning
and recess of the older, pan-indian titles like mandalika etc. Parallel
to this the written sources become completely preoccupied with the hierarchization
of access to power of kin.
It is suggested
that this caused a sort of independent tradition of historical writing,
manifested in genealogies which give evidence that the brahman
authors didn't follow the pan-indian method of drawing up genealogies
from pauranic sources, but developped a method of careful research among
older inscriptions as their only sources, which caused a high degree
of historicity, obviously a demand from the rulers who had to fight
for their status among distrustful kin with own genealogical traditions.
Even after the large scale destruction of the Western Indian political
structure by Ala-ud-din Khalji around 1300 this did not cease to exist.
When a new Rajput power, a late successor of the Guhilas of Mewar, emerged
around 1400, the method was taken up again, producing a genealogy which,
although compiled under difficult circumstances, is reconstructed almost
to perfection down to the 7th century. But soon the authors' employers
were overrun by the changed political realities. The structure of polities
was not as it had been. The lineage networks didn't exist any more,
and the first competitors, the Rathors of Marwar, couldn't imitate the
genealogy as they couldn't connect to the rulers of the pre-1300s. Some
early inscriptions show that they tried to imitate the genealogical
strategy of the Guhilas, but failed. So they started to create a completely
new set of traditions, employing non brahman bards and propagating huge
pauranic genealogies which made them Suryavamsha Kshatriyas, a trait
which had not existed before in Western India. Within 40 years the kings
of Mewar also succumbed to these new ways and rejected their so
far built up traditions largely. One can say that the much maligned
but famous 'bardic tradition' of Rajasthan had its roots in the competition
between a little kingdom aspiring for independent power (Marwar) and
its overlord Mewar and that its 'ficticiousness', especially for the
pre-1600s stems from the inability of the bards to connect to the older
brahman historical tradition.